
The Alaska Senate lawsuit filed by the United States Department of Justice has turned one of the closest races in the country into a test of how far the federal government can go to challenge an election before a single ballot is counted. The department is asking a federal judge in Anchorage to stop Alaska from certifying its Senate result if the Republican incumbent loses, arguing that a second candidate with almost the same name could confuse voters enough to change the outcome. With the election just seven days away, the case has drawn a sharp rebuke from the Democratic challenger, scepticism from election lawyers, and a blunt admission from President Donald Trump that he ordered the suit himself.
The lawsuit, filed on 22 October and reported the following day, names the state of Alaska and its election officials, including Division of Elections Director Carol Beecher. It asks the court to declare that any result "that may be impacted by voter confusion" would violate the National Voter Registration Act, and to hold certification "pending an investigation to determine whether votes cast for Daniel J. Sullivan were meant to be cast for Senator Sullivan". In plain terms, the department wants a judge to freeze the official result if the incumbent loses under conditions where the second Sullivan's votes might have mattered.
The complaint describes Daniel J. Sullivan Jr. as "a known longtime supporter of Democratic candidates" and says his campaign website uses a format and colour scheme similar to the senator's. It alleges that the "sole purpose" of his candidacy "is to benefit the Peltola campaign by reducing the number of votes for Senator Sullivan", and that he sought to appear on the ballot as "Dan Sullivan", the name the incumbent commonly uses. A Justice Department spokesperson said the agency was taking "necessary steps to ensure that this frivolous candidacy does not undermine the integrity of Alaska's election or the will of its voters". Trump removed any doubt about where the case came from, telling reporters: "I'm the one that said do it." That admission places the White House directly behind a pre-emptive challenge to a Senate election, rather than leaving the department to present the case as a routine enforcement action.
Alaska's Senate race is one of a small group of contests that could decide control of the Senate. The Cook Political Report's ratings published on 20 October listed seven toss-ups: Alaska, Iowa, Kansas, Maine, Michigan, Ohio and Texas. Republicans hold six of those seats; only Michigan is held by a Democrat. That arithmetic is why a single seat in a state with fewer than 750,000 residents is drawing national attention, money and now a federal lawsuit.
The incumbent, Dan S. Sullivan, a Republican first elected to the Senate in 2014, is seeking another term against Mary Peltola, a Democrat and former member of the US House of Representatives. Peltola has already won statewide office under Alaska's distinctive voting system, and she is running in a state Trump carried by about 14 percentage points in 2024. Polling nonetheless shows a dead heat. A Data for Progress survey of 694 likely voters conducted from 8 to 16 October put Peltola on 47 per cent, Sullivan on 44 per cent, Daniel J. Sullivan Jr. on 4 per cent and a fourth candidate, Gerald Heikes, on 1 per cent. In a simulated final ranked-choice round, the same poll put Peltola ahead 51 to 49. A forecast updated on 26 October put Peltola marginally ahead, 50.1 to 49.9, after ranked-choice transfers.
Alaska's system helps explain why a 4 per cent candidate matters. Voters use a single primary ballot regardless of party, and the top four finishers advance to the general election. In the general election, voters rank candidates in order of preference. If no candidate wins a majority of first-choice votes, the candidate with the fewest votes is eliminated and those ballots transfer to voters' next choices, repeating until one candidate passes 50 per cent. The Justice Department's argument depends on that mechanism, because it asks the court to imagine a world in which every vote for Daniel J. Sullivan had gone to the senator instead.
The second Sullivan is not a stranger to Alaska's courts. He filed to run on 29 May, describing himself on his campaign website as challenging the senator to "put Alaska first". State election officials initially disqualified him after concluding that his candidacy was intended to confuse voters, but state courts reversed that decision, and in June the Alaska Supreme Court upheld his reinstatement. The senator's campaign had also tried to remove him from the ballot. A federal judge and the Alaska Supreme Court ruled that he should stay on it. On the ballot itself, the incumbent is listed as the Republican incumbent, while Daniel J. Sullivan Jr. appears without a party designation. He has denied in interviews that his aim is to cause confusion or divert votes from the senator.
Read carefully, the lawsuit does not ask the court to declare a winner, recount ballots or remove a candidate from the ballot. It asks for something narrower and, in the view of its critics, stranger: a declaration that a result affected by voter confusion would be unlawful, and a pause on certification while officials investigate what voters intended. The department's own test makes the condition explicit. A result would be suspect if Senator Sullivan loses and would have won had every vote for Daniel J. Sullivan gone to him under the ranked-choice count.
That conditional framing is part of why election lawyers have reacted so strongly. The suit does not claim that confusion has already happened, or present evidence that voters have already been misled. It asks a court to act on the possibility that confusion could happen. The department's reliance on the National Voter Registration Act has drawn particular fire. The act is principally concerned with how states maintain voter rolls and register voters. The lawsuit leans on its introductory language about protecting the integrity of the electoral process, rather than on a provision that gives the federal government power to halt a state's certification.
Peltola did not mince words. In an interview on 23 October, she called the lawsuit "desperate" and "clearly corruption", adding: "It is not playing well with Alaskans at all, and it's sending a message that Dan Sullivan does not believe that Alaskans are sophisticated enough to know exactly who they're voting for and what the implication of their vote is." Her argument is political as well as legal: telling Alaskans they cannot tell two candidates apart is itself an insult, and one voters will punish.
Election lawyers were almost as blunt. David Becker, of the Center for Election Innovation and Research, a nonpartisan group that advises election officials, said the Trump administration "has absolutely no authority to tell Alaska when or how to certify the results of its Senate election", adding that "this issue has already been fully litigated by Alaska's courts". Derek Muller, an election law professor at Notre Dame Law School, described the legal argument as "strange and unusual" and said he had never seen the introductory provisions of the federal voter registration law used in this way. "They're just plucking from the preface and saying this gives them a free-wheeling right to enjoin operations in a state, and I just don't think a court is going to buy that," Muller told CNN. In a blog post, he called the legal argument "one of the worst ones I've ever seen" and wrote that it was "designed to win the press release rather than the litigation". Daniel J. Sullivan Jr. himself, a former US Forest Service worker and elementary school teacher, has denied that he is running to confuse anyone.
The stakes go beyond Alaska for three reasons. First, Senate control is genuinely in play. Public opinion polls suggest Republicans may lose one or both houses of Congress, which would limit Trump's ability to enact his policies in the final two years of his presidency. A flip in Alaska alone would not decide the chamber, but in a map where seven races are rated toss-ups, every seat counts, and a delayed or disputed certification in one state could become a template for others. Second, the case tests a new kind of pre-emptive election litigation. Traditionally, challenges follow the vote: a candidate alleges errors, seeks a recount or contests the count. Here, the federal government is asking a court to set the terms of certification before voting ends, based on a hypothetical about voter intent. Third, the case lands in a political environment already charged with disputes over voting, from voting-related prosecutions to the president's $1 million reward offer for voter-fraud tips. Alaska, where the facts are unusually clear — two men, one name, a two-point race — makes that argument concrete.
The immediate question is whether a federal judge in Anchorage will act before Election Day. The department has asked for certification to be held only if the incumbent loses under its test, so the court could in principle wait until results are known. But the campaign will not wait: both sides will use the lawsuit in advertising, fundraising and turnout appeals over the final seven days, and Peltola's team has already made it a central attack line. After 3 November, the sequence matters. If Sullivan wins, the lawsuit becomes largely moot. If Peltola wins narrowly, and the margin is smaller than Daniel J. Sullivan Jr.'s vote share, expect the department to press its argument that certification should pause for an investigation into voter intent. That would set up a direct clash between a federal court order and Alaska's certification timetable, with the Senate majority potentially hanging on the outcome.
For voters, the practical advice is unchanged. Alaskans can check the ballot carefully, note that the incumbent is listed as the Republican incumbent while Daniel J. Sullivan Jr. appears without a party designation, and rank candidates in their true order of preference. The ranked-choice system is designed to let a voter's second choice count if their first choice is eliminated — which is precisely why the department's hypothetical, in which every vote for the second Sullivan is treated as a vote for the senator, does not match how the system works. A voter who ranks Daniel J. Sullivan Jr. first and Peltola second, for example, would have that ballot transfer to Peltola, not to the senator, if the second Sullivan were eliminated.
The Justice Department is asking a federal court to block Alaska from certifying its Senate election result if Senator Dan S. Sullivan loses, arguing that another candidate named Daniel J. Sullivan Jr. could confuse voters and change the outcome.
Dan S. Sullivan is the Republican incumbent senator seeking re-election. Daniel J. Sullivan Jr. is a retired schoolteacher from Petersburg who is also on the ballot, without a party designation, and who denies running to confuse voters.
Trump said he directed the Justice Department to bring the case, telling reporters: "I'm the one that said do it."
Polling shows a dead heat. A Data for Progress poll from 8 to 16 October put Mary Peltola on 47 per cent and Dan S. Sullivan on 44 per cent, with a simulated ranked-choice final round of 51 to 49 for Peltola.
Election Day is 3 November 2026. If Peltola wins by less than Daniel J. Sullivan Jr.'s vote share, the Justice Department is expected to argue that certification should pause for an investigation into voter intent, setting up a court fight over Alaska's result.
Related coverage on US News Pulse: Trump's $1 million voter-fraud reward, DOJ charges over illegal voting in five states, and Trump's Texas rallies and the tightening Senate map.